Gerry Adams exposed , his lies demolished at brothers rape trial

[flyingcolumn]

How's that money-grabbing? If you don't want it - don't fuckin buy it. I know my book shelf will survive without it.

Do you know what money-grabbing means?

 

[LiamO]

do you?

 

[Casually Red]

Anyways, as has been mentioned throughout the thread the DPP is a long time close associate of Gerry Adams . Since then plenty of skulduggery has come to light about a file he " forgot " he had, so didn't hand over . About the cops briefing on Adams behalf. Top cop " having no recollection " of meeting the shinners

The Liam Adams Trial: Barra McGrory And The Curious Case Of The Missing Gerry Adams File

All very convenient for the protected asset which is Gerry Adams

How The North's DPP, Barra McGrory Nearly Gave Evidence For Liam Adams In Rape Trial!

 

[flyingcolumn]

do you?

A product doesn't need to sell for it to be branded a money-grabbing idea, does it?

 

[LiamO]

If it does not sell, it does not create a profit. Therefore there is no money to grab. In fact I would have thought this particular tome was unlikely to ever produce a profit.

I cannot fathom it's (political?) purpose exactly, but would be fairly confident that 'making money' was not the reason for it's existence.

 

[flyingcolumn]

If it does not sell, it does not create a profit. Therefore there is no money to grab. In fact I would have thought this particular tome was unlikely to ever produce a profit.

I cannot fathom it's (political?) purpose exactly, but would be fairly confident that 'making money' was not the reason for it's existence.

But the idea of the book of tweets it to grab money. Why else would a book of tweets be produced other than to make money?

Maybe Gerry can buy a fourth house.

Money-grabbing

 

[LiamO]

But the idea of the book of tweets it to grab money. Why else would a book of tweets be produced other than to make money?

Maybe Gerry can buy a fourth house.

Money-grabbing

OK. Explain to me how this book will make money? How many copies will he/they need to sell?

Most books don't make money. This one won't either.

I can think of many things to say about this, somewhat bizarre, tome. But I'll bet it doesn't make money. Who the fuck will buy it for a start.

Dp you genuinely think Adams is motivated by money? Really? On what evidence do you base that claim?

 

[butchersapron]

Might as well go here, I guess - SWP-style IRA investigation of rape allegations:

A woman who says she was subjected against her will to an in-house investigation by the republican movement in West Belfast after being raped by an IRA volunteer will speak out this week on a BBC documentary.

The woman, who will waive her right to anonymity during the programme, claims that she was raped and sexually assaulted by the senior IRA member when she was only 16, and that the abuse continued for a prolonged period.

When her allegations became known, the young woman was taken to a house in the city, where a special IRA team interrogated her at length.

She was also forced to confront her alleged abuser on a separate occasion, in order, the IRA said, for them to decide which of the pair was telling the truth.

She was forbidden throughout to go to the police or to rape crisis counsellors for help, and describes her fear and confusion as she was put through the ordeal, both by her alleged attacker and by IRA and Sinn Fein members who were assigned to deal with it. She had only recently left school, the interrogations lasted for hours at a time and the investigation itself went on for months.

The man was later moved out of the city. He denies the allegations and was subsequently acquitted when, in a dramatic development, no evidence was offered at his trial [...]​

Alleged rape victim to tell BBC show of IRA attacker - Independent.ie

There's an excellent piece in the new LRB on 'soldier dolls' and rape etc - it's subscriber only i could paste it here but it's take up 3 or 4 posts i think. I will if there's any interest.

 

[flypanam]

Butchers, I think it would interest everyone tbh.

 

[butchersapron]

Butchers, I think it would interest everyone tbh.

Here we go then ( btw, eagle eyed readers may be able to cross ref the use of 'groundsheets' below with the posts of a prolific poster on this thread):

Susan McKay: Soldier Dolls in Belfast

I moved to Belfast in 1981. It was the autumn after a summer of funerals for the IRA hunger-strikers, and Belfast was desolate. Along with exhaustion there was an ominous sense that rage was renewing itself. Neither unionist nor republican, I was in a political no-man’s-land and it was scary.

I had worked as a volunteer counsellor in the Dublin Rape Crisis Centre, the first in Ireland, which opened in 1979. In the Republic, the Catholic hierarchy denounced feminism as an attack on the family. In the North, we had rows about whether you could be a feminist without being a republican, a republican and not a feminist. We had rows about whether there were unionist feminists, or feminist unionists. What about feminists who defined themselves just as feminists? What about separatism? Some women dismissed the women’s movement as middle class and irrelevant to the political struggle. Our collectives were constantly splitting and splintering though we remembered to forget our differences on the dancefloor at the women-only socials we organised. We led Reclaim the Night marches through the dark deserted streets of the city.

The Belfast Rape Crisis Centre’s first premises were on Great Victoria Street, around the corner from the loyalist Sandy Row. Down the road there was an Italian restaurant where banana splits were served to women with a flourish but without a spoon, a phallic joke of sorts. There were a few pubs, surrounded by reinforced wire cages with security cameras, to deter bombers and gunmen. We had two shabby rooms with fake leather sofas that looked as if cats had clawed them.

Today, most rape crisis centres only employ professional counsellors who have done courses that take years to complete. What we offered was more like support and solidarity, though we did get some training, and we cultivated allies – doctors, journalists, lawyers, police, community workers, even, warily, paramilitaries – and learned as we went along. Our leaflets, on dark red paper, said: ‘We are women here to help women.’ We were not detached. My diary records a woman’s tears flowing down my neck. Other women would tell their stories as comedies. One described how the man who had offered her a lift home had beaten her about the head with one of her stilettos, raped her and flung her out of the car. She showed us how she’d walked along the mountain road with one high heel and one bare foot. We soon found out that what was known as ‘the violence’ in Northern Ireland masked another violence which had largely been experienced in silence and secrecy. This was a conservative society with what the academic Eileen Evason called an ‘armed patriarchy’.

By 1982 I was working full-time in the centre having abandoned a PhD at Queen’s University. We had moved to two tiny rooms high up in a Victorian building on Royal Avenue in the centre of town. It was a neutral area, open to everyone. The sofas we bought were covered in a satiny fabric that caused people gradually to slide off them. The offices filled up with cigarette smoke and when we opened the sash windows pigeons flew in. I was employed on a government scheme and the man whose job it was to check on me liked to sit and drink tea with us. He would tell us about some of the other projects funded by the scheme, convinced they were fronts for the paramilitaries. One involved breeding pedigree rabbits. Mostly, like everyone else, we lived as though the conflict were like perpetual bad weather, to be endured. We stopped leaving the building during bombscares.

 

[butchersapron]

In December 1982, the Irish National Liberation Army bombed a bar during a disco, killing 17 people. Eleven of the dead were British soldiers, the primary target. Some of the others were young local women. The INLA called them ‘consorts’. Everyone understood what Seamus Heaney described as ‘the exact/and tribal, intimate revenge’. In the 1970s republican paramilitaries used to tar and feather women deemed ‘soldier dolls’. There’s film of a British television journalist reporting on one attack in Derry in 1972. The 19-year-old girl had been tied to a lamppost, her hair cut off and tar poured over her head until it ran across the pavement. Then she was doused in feathers while a crowd, mostly made up of women, watched and jeered. The young woman was engaged to a soldier. One of the onlookers told the reporter that if her own daughter went out with a soldier, ‘I would hand her out to the women that took the girl last night.’ Others agreed and said that she should have been out on the barricades with the rest of them. One of them said: ‘She’s from the Bogside – she should act like it.’

Another television reporter spoke to the mother of a 15-year-old girl who had been abducted by masked men and held captive for several nights during which she was badly beaten and had her hair shaved off. The mother, a single parent who was obviously poor, frail and ill, was so distraught she could hardly speak. She denied the IRA’s claim that the girl had been a police spy. The girl gave evidence against some of her attackers the following year. She was, it emerged, going out with a young soldier. A year after the court case, he was shot dead by the IRA in Derry.

After Ann Ogilby’s battered body was found dumped on a motorway verge on the outskirts of Belfast in the summer of 1974, the first death notice to appear read: ‘Ann, murdered. The death of Ann is very deeply regretted by her true friend Billy, compound 9, Maze Prison. Safe in the arms of Jesus.’ Billy was the father of the baby boy Ann had given birth to weeks before her death. He was a leader of the paramilitary Ulster Defence Association, and married to another woman. Women from the UDA had harassed Ann. Rumours were put about that she was a spy, and she was threatened with tarring and feathering. She began to move from address to address, frightened and isolated. She was summoned to an interrogation and released, then abducted by a group of UDA women. A week later, a man ordered her to come with him to a disused bakery in the Sandy Row area. There she was beaten to death. After her body was found, 11 women and two men were arrested. Two of the women were convicted of her murder and the others convicted on lesser charges.

The UDA disowned those who had killed Ogilby as ‘jealous women’ and, as the 1970s went on, the IRA began to condemn tarring and feathering. But such incidents still acted as a warning. The rules didn’t apply to everyone though: women who were ‘well connected’ might get away with behaviour which would be punished in others. In some instances, women from top republican families married British soldiers without repercussions. One woman told me that volunteers in the paramilitary organisation of which she was a member treated women ‘like groundsheets’.

 

[butchersapron]

Women’s Aid had been set up in 1974 to provide a refuge for women experiencing domestic violence. It campaigned for the release from prison of Noreen Winchester, jailed in 1976 at the age of 19 for the manslaughter of her father, Norman. She had stabbed him and then, with the help of some of her younger siblings, dragged his body onto the street and cleaned up the house. At first it was assumed that he had been murdered by paramilitaries, but then Noreen confessed. She told the police that her father had been beating and raping her since she was 11. He had beaten his wife throughout their marriage and cut the family off from the outside world. The wife had become an alcoholic and was violent towards the children herself. She used to call Noreen her husband’s ‘wee fancy bit’. In 1974 she was committed to a mental hospital. Noreen was not called to give evidence of any of this; there was no psychiatric report, and only the most basic plea of mitigation was entered. The feminist campaign for Noreen’s release got widespread support and after serving a year, she was released. (In 1993, the body of her sister, Tina, was found near the house in which their father was killed. She had been raped and strangled. No one has ever been charged with her murder.)

Men who killed or abused women sometimes put forward ludicrous defences. One said he’d killed his wife because she wouldn’t stop ‘chattering’. We constantly drew attention to efforts made during rape trials to use a woman’s sexual history to undermine her evidence. In one case the barrister for the accused forced a young woman to admit that she had a sexual relationship with her boyfriend, and that when the accused had tried to remove her T-shirt she had told him to ‘fuck off’. After giving this evidence the woman was in tears. The barrister declared: ‘Those tears are just a front to hide the kind of person you really are.’ The following day the woman told the court she couldn’t go on with her evidence and the case was dismissed. Sentencing was inconsistent. We found out that some lawyers tried to get their clients’ cases heard by a particular judge whose leniency towards sex offenders caused him to be nicknamed ‘Santa Claus’.

A lot of women never got near a courtroom. From 1975 to 1980 there were an average of five rape convictions per year in Northern Ireland, although soon after the Rape Crisis Centre opened we were getting two or three new cases every week. There were plenty of reasons for this conviction rate. There was only one female police doctor, for a start. The police received no training in how to work with rape victims, and there were some bad attitudes. After a British TV documentary showed Thames Valley Police abusing and bullying a rape complainant, Scotland Yard promised that more compassion would be shown. Asked whether this would also be the case in Northern Ireland, an RUC spokesman repeated the axiom that an allegation of rape was ‘a very easy one to make, and a hard one to disprove’. That said, the police were generally supportive of our work, though the paranoid politics of the Troubles played its part in deterring women from seeking justice. Women from areas in which there was hostility to the police were unlikely to report an assault and unlikely to be willing to appear as what might be perceived as a witness for the state. Many believed that the police were the enemy and the state inherently unjust. Even those who didn’t would know that going to the police about anything could be regarded as ‘touting’. The police were known to attempt to recruit those reporting ‘ordinary’ crimes to them as informers, so any contact with them was seen as suspicious.

If you called the police into a republican or loyalist area their arrival was anything but discreet. A convoy of armoured jeeps would appear and rioting or, in IRA areas, shooting, could follow. Going to a police station involved presenting yourself at the outer gate of a heavily fortified barracks under the scrutiny of cameras and armed guards. I remember walking with a woman to an appointment at one of these intimidating places, along the Falls Road. Her little boy had brought his toy gun and he walked along like a soldier on foot patrol, swivelling round, walking backwards, pointing it at potential targets that included real soldiers in Land Rovers.

 

[butchersapron]

One woman was afraid to report her rape to the police because her husband was storing guns for the IRA in their attic. Another refused because the man who raped her was a policeman. Women from both republican and loyalist areas were threatened and told not to report rape by persons claiming to represent paramilitary organisations. Women were encouraged to report rape to community organisations which were closely connected with the paramilitaries, rather than to go to the Rape Crisis Centre. The paramilitaries told some men to leave Northern Ireland; others were kneecapped or subjected to punishment beatings. Other, more powerful men received no punishment.

Rape had been a secret, its victims silenced, but we were determined to expose what we were finding out about it. We gave talks for church ladies’ groups, Boys’ Brigade leaders, soroptimists, community councils, schools. We were always heading off on buses and trains to small towns and villages. One woman who hosted a talk, a rape victim, drove me back to Belfast so recklessly I was convinced she was trying to kill us both. She did, in fact, kill herself soon afterwards. We gave interviews to anyone who asked and pushed to get the fierce articles we wrote ourselves published. One young man threatened to walk out of a talk I gave to a youth training programme in a factory in a Protestant part of Belfast because he had read in Ulster, the magazine of the UDA, that I had written an article in Republican News. So I wrote an article for Ulster too.

Sometimes journalists from outside Ireland would come to us. They would ask if we could provide them with a Protestant woman who had been raped by an IRA man, or a Catholic woman raped by a British soldier. Sometimes they seemed disappointed when we said that women were far more likely to have been raped by someone from their own community. Spare Rib went ahead anyway and wrote us up as if we had claimed rape was evidence of British imperialism.

Occasionally rape was, in fact, used as a weapon of sectarianism. One woman was forced to recite the Lord’s Prayer to the gang who attacked her, because the Catholic version is shorter than the Protestant one, and they thought she was ‘a Fenian’. By the time the case came to court, three of the rapists had been kneecapped by the UDA. The Lord’s Prayer test had been used in 1972 by a loyalist gang whose members raped a woman in front of her disabled son. They then shot the child dead.

Once Angela Carter came to read at Queen’s and arranged to meet some local feminists at the flat I shared close to the university. (Our living room smelled of paraffin because we had recently spent a day putting firelighters in tins to make torches for a Reclaim the Night march.) ‘You spend the first 16 years searching for Heathcliff and the next 16 trying to avoid him,’ Carter said. I remembered a woman who’d told me that her husband had killed her pet. That had reminded me of Heathcliff hanging Isabella’s dog. As a schoolgirl I’d thought Isabella a fool, having no knowledge yet of the way romance can shade into possession and violence.

My mother sent me a photo she’d taken of her television screen showing me being interviewed at the Rape Crisis Centre. I look pale and serious. The work made us angry. One evening in the York Hotel bar a man told a joke about a woman being raped by a rugby team. I poured my pint over his head. The barman brought me a fresh one and told me I should have used the joker’s pint, not my own. I still have nightmares about some of the stories I was told. I remember visiting a woman in hospital who had been badly injured by the man who raped her. She smiled at me. ‘I can tell I can trust you, love,’ she said. ‘I just know to look at you you’ve been through the mill too.’

 

[flypanam]

Thanks for that Butchers. As you say an excellent article. Fucking chilling.

 

[redsquirrel]

Yeah, definitely worth reading. Cheers for the c&p.

 

[8den]

Gerry Adams: Sinn Féin president deletes n-word tweet and denies racism claims - BBC News


.

 

[Pickman's model]

Gerry Adams: Sinn Féin president deletes n-word tweet and denies racism claims - BBC News


.

while a crass and stupid tweet, and something he will likely come to very much regret, i think ga might have been trying to get at something which isn't unheard of:




e2a: by no means apologising for ga but suggesting what might have gone through his mind.

 

[Casually Red]

while a crass and stupid tweet, and something he will likely come to very much regret, i think ga might have been trying to get at something which isn't unheard of:

View attachment 86457
View attachment 86456

Yes but he claims he's referring to Ballymurphy over 100 years later . Which while not the best of places certainly wasn't the deep south of the mid 19th century or even approaching it .

And given the beards pathological ego and ability to nurse a slight to an unimaginable degree , I find it a bit of a remarkable coincidence he tweets this repulsive term barely 6 weeks after a Black US president humiliated him on the international stage by denying him access to the white house on St Patricks day . After white house security staff laughably claimed they didn't know who Gerry Adams was and kept him standing at the gate for hours . An incident which led to Adams huffily snorting about " the back of the bus " . And just weeks later he's tweeting about a " n-----r".

Gerry Adams expresses anger after being denied entry to White House

Yet another remarkable coincidence in the GA saga .

 

[Casually Red]

A mischievous editor could have fun with that pic if this grows any legs .

 

[Pickman's model]

Yes but he claims he's referring to Ballymurphy over 100 years later . Which while not the best of places certainly wasn't the deep south of the mid 19th century or even approaching it .

And given the beards pathological ego and ability to nurse a slight to an unimaginable degree , I find it a bit of a remarkable coincidence he tweets this repulsive term barely 6 weeks after a Black US president humiliated him on the international stage by denying him access to the white house on St Patricks day . After white house security staff laughably claimed they didn't know who Gerry Adams was and kept him standing at the gate for hours . An incident which led to Adams huffily snorting about " the back of the bus " . And just weeks later he's tweeting about a " n-----r".

Gerry Adams expresses anger after being denied entry to White House

Yet another remarkable coincidence in the GA saga .

a long, winding and not always well-made road

 

[Casually Red]

Just 6 weeks later he uses that term in public for the first time ever .

Your probably right, Adams just let the slight go . As he's well known to do .After all he couldnt report Michelle Obama to the social even if he wanted to .

 

[Pickman's model]

Just 6 weeks later he uses that term in public for the first time ever .

Your probably right, Adams just let the slight go . As he's well known to do .After all he couldnt report Michelle Obama to the social even if he wanted to .

i'm not saying he did or didn't let this slight go: i don't know. i'm saying the saga of ga goes along a long, winding and not always well-made road: he's not always in control of things and when he's not then he's uncomfortable.

 

[Casually Red]

i'm not saying he did or didn't let this slight go: i don't know. i'm saying the saga of ga goes along a long, winding and not always well-made road: he's not always in control of things and when he's not then he's uncomfortable.

Ta! Understand the clarification .

 

[Casually Red]

OK. Explain to me how this book will make money? How many copies will he/they need to sell?

Most books don't make money. This one won't either.

I can think of many things to say about this, somewhat bizarre, tome. But I'll bet it doesn't make money. Who the fuck will buy it for a start.

Dp you genuinely think Adams is motivated by money? Really? On what evidence do you base that claim?

Here's him promoting it

 

[Casually Red]

Now the fucking tree hugging, naked dog trampolining , social snitching , racist tweeting arsehole has announced...during yet another bizarre and rambling radio interview.. " I've never seen myself as white "
Only a matter of time before he goes full Dolezal and shows up in fake tan and dreadlocks .

Gerry Adams: ‘I don’t see myself as white’

 

[likesfish]

Some spook is claiming the mind bending drugs were a complete success *


Intelligence claim credit for the "enemies" mistakes when ever possible

 

[Casually Red]

Last year it was his " little book of tweets " . Next year it'll be " little book of touts " . He grassed up a load of senior guys, including TDs , to the fuzz in an email .

Gerry Adams slammed for linking Sinn Féin figures to Brian Stack killing

 

[Casually Red]

while a crass and stupid tweet, and something he will likely come to very much regret, i think ga might have been trying to get at something which isn't unheard of:

View attachment 86457
View attachment 86456

e2a: by no means apologising for ga but suggesting what might have gone through his mind.

Have it on v good authority a delegation ..looking on in horror at his tweets that night..we're dispatched to relieve him of both his mobile phone and the bottle of whiskey he was nursing on the night in question. The grudge he was nursing against Obama remains however .

I'm serious on this .source is impeccable .

 

[Casually Red]

Some spook is claiming the mind bending drugs were a complete success *


Intelligence claim credit for the "enemies" mistakes when ever possible

An old aquiantance of mine shared a cage in long kesh with Adams in the early 70s during internment . One day he had enough of him, offered him out the back for a square go . Called him a lily livered sticky bastard. In front of the whole cage . Despite being half Adams size , Adams demurred . Some weeks later Adams was released, put on an RAF plane and flown to downing street for talks . That Christmas Adams sat down to write his Xmas cards . Instead of sending just one to all the boys in the cage he wrote out about 40 individual ones just so he could leave this particular chap out . That's the grudge against a slight. That's the mentality of this fucking mentalist . This tree hugging, naked jack Russell trampolining, social services touting, paedo protecting , state asset fuckwit .

 

[Casually Red]

If it does not sell, it does not create a profit. Therefore there is no money to grab. In fact I would have thought this particular tome was unlikely to ever produce a profit.

I cannot fathom it's (political?) purpose exactly, but would be fairly confident that 'making money' was not the reason for it's existence.

Liamo..me oul chum. Adams doesn't own the publisher . Businessmen do . They take a punt . Adams gets an advance . He doesn't even need to write it. Just cut and paste .