Thanks for taking the time to get into all those points Athos. Am busy this weekend, but i'll try and dig a bit further into this in the future. In the meantime:
The withering of the state was Marx's and Engels' idea (and terminology). A stateless society is the aim of many left wing ideologies, not just anarchism. The principal difference is ideas about when it should happen: immediately after revolution, or following a period of dictatorship of the proletariat.
There so much to read with Marx & Engels, and the fact that reality ended up contradicting much of what was proposed makes it confusing. I wonder how much (UK) Marxist groups hold this up as the end goal any more. I guess this is more to do with council communism and autonomist traditions. Again, im not sure council communism would really not be a state, even though certain organs would inevitably 'whither'. Comes back again to a definition of the state...
Not sure about your definition of the state. Take a look at some of what Marx said about the nature of bourgeois states. It pretty much dismantles the arguments that it is inevitable, necessary, and a benign form of organising for the common good.
When I get a mo I'll try and dig out some definitions - I think defining it is a big part of the problem.
Anarchism isn't some airy fairy idea which relies on a rosy conception of human nature. Nor does a commitment to revolution mean that people shouldn't organise to change things within society as it is configured in the meantime.
well yeah, but i've often found there to be a contradiction between anarchist organising that defends centralised state (public) services if the end goal is to kill the state. For example free schools completely undermine the centralised state bureaucratic comprehensive school system. The anarchist position should support free schools following the logic through - shouldn't it? A number of Tory policies in fact, who actively try to wither the state too.
But you have to recognise the limits of reformism. As long as there is capitalism and a state, power will be concentrated in the hands of a minority which will wield it for its own ends. That power will resist reform. Real chance won't come about until that power is no more.
I definitely recognise the limits. Historical power shifts often are opened up by external/unexpected factors. The number of possible crisis we might see in our lifetimes is really mounting up (environmental and financial the big two), and the ability to resist reform changes over time.
The state is really a concentration of power. That goes for a workers state as much as it does for a bourgeois one. And it means that those who control it do so in their own interests. It doesn't matter who is pulling the levers, the machine can only operate one way. Which is why anarchists reject the idea of securing state power.
Im going to come back to this when i ve had a chance to look into definitions/conceptions of the state a bit more. Its not just a concentration of power, or else a kingdom would be a state, which it isnt, no?
I think there's a big difference between decisions imposed from above by those to whom power has been relinquished, and bottom up decision making through bodies which are made up of delegates who convey their communities'views, but do not purport to exercise power on behalf of those communities.
reread this a few times but think i may be misunderstanding what it says. Anyhow:
...there is a difference, but what does the difference boil down to? I think the key difference is the mechanics of the 'power-appointing' (aka democratic) processes. Our MPs now are delegated the power they have. They are voted for and receive their mandate through that. A king or dictator is real top down power, but in truth David Cameron is a product of bottom-up democratic processes - a general election and elections within his own party!
Obviously this type of democracy is still inadequate, but its a situation that we have fought to get to, and a fight that needs to continue to make it better still.
Chomsky makes the case that people's struggles from suffragettes, chartists etc now to Arab Spring has been to get the vote. That has been won at huge cost and with huge resistance from those who it threatened. But overtime victories were made against the odds.
In being asked 'what should we do chomsky?' as he often is, ive read him make a good defense of the possibility of taking power through the ballot box. We're all aware of the forces that make the playing field uneven, but making it more even is one of the parts of changing the democratic mechanisms. Bigger fights have been won in the past.
Cynically the biggest lesson I got from Occupy (particularly Wall Street), was that even with the biggest commitment to horizontalism, and even with small numbers involved (Wall Street was quite big but compared to the size of the population it was minute) factions immediately formed to try and steer the decision making process their way.
Democracy, no matter how direct or horizontal or autonomist will be somewhat imperfect, but it can definitely still be greatly improved, and from what ive read so far it should be a key area of campaigning for anarchists and marxists, particularly so if " a commitment to revolution [doesnt] mean that people shouldn't organise to change things within society as it is configured in the meantime. "