nessuno
Well-Known Member
Currently, i am in London and i will not attend the Cassazione verdict on July 5th. I am currently quite ill and about to be made homeless by Westminster City Council. I have lost the final and ultimate battle to keep the Diaz trial alive.
Every once in a while a legal case comes along in Italy which will shape the future path of a country concerning the standard of its human rights and its legal system. The raid on the Diaz school during the violent Genoa G8 in 2001 is such a case.
Almost eleven years have passed as the Diaz case has travelled and navigated a legal system challenged and pulled apart by Berlusconi until it has finally arrived at the highest court of the land. This court is the Corti of Cassazione in Piazza Cavour. It is a very imposing building in Central Rome and is situated on the west side of the Tigris river. Cassazione does not use juries but has five Supreme court judges considering the case before it.
What they are considering is a high controversial police brutality case that has multiple victims and many police on trial for multiple serious charges. These are not rank and file policemen but commanders who now represent the top tier of power in the Italian police force. The very people, if acquitted, who will steer Italy through an economic and public order crisis of enormous size.
There are 26 anti-terrorist, DIGOS, flying Squad and state police commanders who are accused of masterminding and planning the bloody 'Mexican butchers shop' massacre at Diaz during the Genoa G8. A raid of such brutality, Amnesty called it the biggest suspension of democratic rights in a western country since World War II. A raid that was described by Genoa judges as the darkest page of history of the Italian police force. Even a movie has been made Domenico Procacci has been made called Diaz: Don't Clean Up This Blood. It was released at the Berlin Film festival to critical fame and many Italian youth have seen it in cinemas last month. The movie script is based upon the basic facts of what happened. Fandango, the production company researched and read over 10,000 court documents.
As an English Indymedia journalist who was covering the summit, I was attacked and almost killed at Diaz (it is estimated) by up to 14 Italian policemen. So were another four British victims to a lesser degree of injuries. They are Dan Macquillan, Norman Blair, Richard Moth and Nicola Doherty. They were very peaceful non-violent protesters who were genuinely concerned about the state of the planet before 9-11 changed the world. What hasn't changed since 9-11 is the rise of powerful fascist politics that now threaten the stability of Italy and Europe in this current economic crisis. Whilst politicians and journalist analysis the rise of fascist politics in Greece, the Diaz case is the frontline of the struggle against fascism in Italy.
Gianfranco Fini, currently speaker of Rome Parliament, is still the most powerful fascist politician in Europe but since his breakup with Berlusconi, he is biding his time and staying below the radar. When Fini is quiet, he is planning his path to become prime minister. The fascists are allowing the Monti Government to be seen to fail before they offer their extreme right wing policies on law, Public Order and Immigration. Fini's view of Europe and the EU is that Italy should leave union of states. This is where he finds common ground with Cameroon who also wants to leave but for the different reasons of protecting the bankers in the city of London.
Fin grew powerful under Berlusconi. At the Genoa G8 summit, he had the special job of being G8 security minister and he was supposed to handle the Bin Laden threat to fly a wooden plane into the G8 but he was more interested in having his private fascist war with the anti-globalisation movement. Instead of protecting the G8, he took a personal interest in making sure the Diaz raid was carried out and that many people were tortured for fun.
Of the G8 itself, it was expedient to allow a man like Gianfranco Fini and his fascists to do the dirty job of smashing any democratic and popular protest that was being mounted against them as they carried out plans to exploit the planet for even more resources and profit and to maintain their powerful grip over the world.
For the human rights abuse at Diaz and Bolzaneto, Berlusconi and Fini handed out promotions whilst offering money and very expensive lawyers to get them off the serious charges being presented by Dr Zucca and the Genova prosecutors. It is rumoured but not proved yet that Gianfranco told the convicted Diaz police that they were 'Covered to do anything they liked at Diaz'.
Francesco Gratteri, second in command of the anti-terrorist squad at Diaz, has recently been promoted to Deputy chief of police of Italy.
Gilberto Caldarozzi, Gratteri's deputy, has been promoted into the Justice ministry and Spartico Mortola, Commander of the DIGOS in Genoa at the time of G8, has been promoted to be chief of police in Turin. The only commander (7th mobile heavy riot unit) not to of been promoted was Vincenzo Canterini, the 'Butcher of Diaz'.
And they did do anything and everything to the victims of Diaz and Bolzaneto. Like planting Molotov cocktails at Diaz whilst knowing everyone there was innocent and with the firm intention of sending the victims to jail as a grand conspiracy of criminality for the next 15 years on trumped up false charges . It should be remembered that the Italians were using emergency G8 military powers which double the sentence of most crimes in normal times.
What happened to me is an illustration of how far the Diaz police were prepared to go to dispense their kind of idealogy. In three attacks over the space of 15 minutes, my left hand was broken, eight ribs on my left side, my left lung was shredded, I suffered massive internal bleeding, a damaged spine, 16 broken teeth and was put into a coma. I was then left to die outside the main gate of Diaz Pertini despite the fact that Carabineri medical teams were present.
I actually count myself lucky that the police never succeeded kidnapping me out of hospital and sending me to Bolzaneto where I would of certainly died at the hands of a prison doctor (Toccafondi who was convicted during the Bolzaneto trial) who joined in the torture with the police. Others were not so lucky and endured four of the five basic torture techniques as invented by the parachute regiment in 1972 Northern Ireland conflict (yes... Bolzaneto is compared to that conflict. It was not just a few hippies being slapped about. It was systematic torture).
In the hours and days after the Diaz raid, a cover-up went into place by the Diaz police whilst they gave press conferences telling the international press that all the victims were dangerous terrorists. Dr Zucca calls it a 'Code Blue' wall of silence. The commanders at Diaz ordered civil servant police who attended Diaz later to write false reports and statements (which they later signed). My attempted murder was written out of the statements and to this day, only two policemen out of 340 who had to pass me to get into Diaz, ever said they saw me. No honest policeman had the courage to face up to the power of these commanders and attempt to tell the truth for fear of being threatened and killed by their superiors. A few did attempt to tell some truth about the basic facts. Fournier was one such policeman. He testified that Diaz was a 'Mexican Butchers Shop'. However, on the whole, very few spoke out about what they had seen.
In the years after the Diaz raid, I attempted and succeeded in rebuilding and synchronising the video evidence. 'Supervideo Diaz', as it was nicknamed, was finished and presented by the italian legal human rights team in the actual Diaz trial. This reconstruction is an irrefutable major piece of evidence in front of the Cassazione judges.
Every once in a while a legal case comes along in Italy which will shape the future path of a country concerning the standard of its human rights and its legal system. The raid on the Diaz school during the violent Genoa G8 in 2001 is such a case.
Almost eleven years have passed as the Diaz case has travelled and navigated a legal system challenged and pulled apart by Berlusconi until it has finally arrived at the highest court of the land. This court is the Corti of Cassazione in Piazza Cavour. It is a very imposing building in Central Rome and is situated on the west side of the Tigris river. Cassazione does not use juries but has five Supreme court judges considering the case before it.
What they are considering is a high controversial police brutality case that has multiple victims and many police on trial for multiple serious charges. These are not rank and file policemen but commanders who now represent the top tier of power in the Italian police force. The very people, if acquitted, who will steer Italy through an economic and public order crisis of enormous size.
There are 26 anti-terrorist, DIGOS, flying Squad and state police commanders who are accused of masterminding and planning the bloody 'Mexican butchers shop' massacre at Diaz during the Genoa G8. A raid of such brutality, Amnesty called it the biggest suspension of democratic rights in a western country since World War II. A raid that was described by Genoa judges as the darkest page of history of the Italian police force. Even a movie has been made Domenico Procacci has been made called Diaz: Don't Clean Up This Blood. It was released at the Berlin Film festival to critical fame and many Italian youth have seen it in cinemas last month. The movie script is based upon the basic facts of what happened. Fandango, the production company researched and read over 10,000 court documents.
As an English Indymedia journalist who was covering the summit, I was attacked and almost killed at Diaz (it is estimated) by up to 14 Italian policemen. So were another four British victims to a lesser degree of injuries. They are Dan Macquillan, Norman Blair, Richard Moth and Nicola Doherty. They were very peaceful non-violent protesters who were genuinely concerned about the state of the planet before 9-11 changed the world. What hasn't changed since 9-11 is the rise of powerful fascist politics that now threaten the stability of Italy and Europe in this current economic crisis. Whilst politicians and journalist analysis the rise of fascist politics in Greece, the Diaz case is the frontline of the struggle against fascism in Italy.
Gianfranco Fini, currently speaker of Rome Parliament, is still the most powerful fascist politician in Europe but since his breakup with Berlusconi, he is biding his time and staying below the radar. When Fini is quiet, he is planning his path to become prime minister. The fascists are allowing the Monti Government to be seen to fail before they offer their extreme right wing policies on law, Public Order and Immigration. Fini's view of Europe and the EU is that Italy should leave union of states. This is where he finds common ground with Cameroon who also wants to leave but for the different reasons of protecting the bankers in the city of London.
Fin grew powerful under Berlusconi. At the Genoa G8 summit, he had the special job of being G8 security minister and he was supposed to handle the Bin Laden threat to fly a wooden plane into the G8 but he was more interested in having his private fascist war with the anti-globalisation movement. Instead of protecting the G8, he took a personal interest in making sure the Diaz raid was carried out and that many people were tortured for fun.
Of the G8 itself, it was expedient to allow a man like Gianfranco Fini and his fascists to do the dirty job of smashing any democratic and popular protest that was being mounted against them as they carried out plans to exploit the planet for even more resources and profit and to maintain their powerful grip over the world.
For the human rights abuse at Diaz and Bolzaneto, Berlusconi and Fini handed out promotions whilst offering money and very expensive lawyers to get them off the serious charges being presented by Dr Zucca and the Genova prosecutors. It is rumoured but not proved yet that Gianfranco told the convicted Diaz police that they were 'Covered to do anything they liked at Diaz'.
Francesco Gratteri, second in command of the anti-terrorist squad at Diaz, has recently been promoted to Deputy chief of police of Italy.
Gilberto Caldarozzi, Gratteri's deputy, has been promoted into the Justice ministry and Spartico Mortola, Commander of the DIGOS in Genoa at the time of G8, has been promoted to be chief of police in Turin. The only commander (7th mobile heavy riot unit) not to of been promoted was Vincenzo Canterini, the 'Butcher of Diaz'.
And they did do anything and everything to the victims of Diaz and Bolzaneto. Like planting Molotov cocktails at Diaz whilst knowing everyone there was innocent and with the firm intention of sending the victims to jail as a grand conspiracy of criminality for the next 15 years on trumped up false charges . It should be remembered that the Italians were using emergency G8 military powers which double the sentence of most crimes in normal times.
What happened to me is an illustration of how far the Diaz police were prepared to go to dispense their kind of idealogy. In three attacks over the space of 15 minutes, my left hand was broken, eight ribs on my left side, my left lung was shredded, I suffered massive internal bleeding, a damaged spine, 16 broken teeth and was put into a coma. I was then left to die outside the main gate of Diaz Pertini despite the fact that Carabineri medical teams were present.
I actually count myself lucky that the police never succeeded kidnapping me out of hospital and sending me to Bolzaneto where I would of certainly died at the hands of a prison doctor (Toccafondi who was convicted during the Bolzaneto trial) who joined in the torture with the police. Others were not so lucky and endured four of the five basic torture techniques as invented by the parachute regiment in 1972 Northern Ireland conflict (yes... Bolzaneto is compared to that conflict. It was not just a few hippies being slapped about. It was systematic torture).
In the hours and days after the Diaz raid, a cover-up went into place by the Diaz police whilst they gave press conferences telling the international press that all the victims were dangerous terrorists. Dr Zucca calls it a 'Code Blue' wall of silence. The commanders at Diaz ordered civil servant police who attended Diaz later to write false reports and statements (which they later signed). My attempted murder was written out of the statements and to this day, only two policemen out of 340 who had to pass me to get into Diaz, ever said they saw me. No honest policeman had the courage to face up to the power of these commanders and attempt to tell the truth for fear of being threatened and killed by their superiors. A few did attempt to tell some truth about the basic facts. Fournier was one such policeman. He testified that Diaz was a 'Mexican Butchers Shop'. However, on the whole, very few spoke out about what they had seen.
In the years after the Diaz raid, I attempted and succeeded in rebuilding and synchronising the video evidence. 'Supervideo Diaz', as it was nicknamed, was finished and presented by the italian legal human rights team in the actual Diaz trial. This reconstruction is an irrefutable major piece of evidence in front of the Cassazione judges.
